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墨書 Inktalez
"I never expected that the renowned Mr. Strasser would actually request a position in the Weimar Government's Ministry of Foreign Affairs. As far as I know, haven't you always been calling for the overthrow of the Social Democratic Party?"
Stresemann felt a sense of dark humor; after Strasser had someone assassinate President Albert, the relationship between the Social Democratic Party and the National Socialist Party had been nothing short of hostile.
Over the past year, the Social Democratic Party had successively passed resolutions in Congress to prohibit leaders of the National Socialist Party and the Communist Party from speaking in public. On the surface, it appeared to be under the banner of anti-Bolshevism, but in reality, it was aimed directly at the National Socialist Party.
I never expected that two parties that are sworn enemies could actually appear in the same government.
"I didn't join the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to serve the government; on the contrary, I did it to better overthrow it in the future. More importantly, I want to help Germany break new ground in diplomacy and enable Germany to rise again more quickly."
Strasser felt no embarrassment about this; in his view, working temporarily under the enemy's banner was insignificant. He didn't care about his own reputation for the sake of his country's strength.
Regardless, those who are willing to set aside their pride for the sake of country deserve respect. Stresemann suppressed his mocking smile and decided to assess Strasser's true abilities.
"What is your opinion on the current form of Germany's diplomacy?" he posed the question.
Strasser pulled up a chair and sat down leisurely, providing his answer.
"Germany is currently in a state of isolation. The Treaty of Versailles holds Germany entirely responsible for the war in Europe. France recently withdrew its troops from the Ruhr, and they are trying to rally Poland, Czechoslovakia, and other countries to form a small alliance to encircle Germany. At one point, Britain even considered joining forces with the Soviet Union to impose sanctions on Germany. It can be said that Germany's diplomatic situation is dire. However," Strasser shifted his tone, "while Germany's diplomatic environment seems harsh, there are actually many avenues for resolution. Aside from us, the main countries in Europe are only three: Britain, France, and the Soviet Union. All diplomatic issues in Europe revolve around these three countries."
Seeing Stresemann nod in agreement, Strasser continued.
"We Germany want to become strong again, we must coordinate our relations with these three countrys. We must choose at least one of them as an ally to counterbalance the other.
First is Britain, Britain does not have the innate factors to be an ally.
Britain's geographical location, hanging overseas, far from the European continent, means that Britain does not have the ability to establish hegemony in Europe, so for nearly a century they have pursued a policy of continental equilibrium, in order to prevent a powerful country from emerging on the European continent."
So it is not feasible to seek them as allies; the British can choose to join or withdraw from the war at any time. When you are in a position of strength, they will hold you back, and when you are at a disadvantage, they will sell you out directly. Strasser has always held a deep-seated hatred for the British, both now and in the future; the essence of the British person as a troublemaker remains unchanged.
During World War II, the British sold out Slovakia, Poland, and France one after another. In Asia, on the battlefield, they abandoned the Chinese Expeditionary Force in Burma, truly excelling in the art of betraying allies.
Even Italy's horse racing can't compare to this. In comparison, they just made a small mistake. Even after the UK joined the European Union, there was no intention to promote European unity. The UK has always opposed the use of a unified currency by the European Union, vetoed the European Parliament electoral system, and made the European Union restless. "France cannot be our ally either, because due to the loss in the European War, the Rhineland non-military zone is still in the hands of the French people, which is a great damage to the ethnic group feelings of the German people."
Moreover, Germany wants to rise and must break the restrictions imposed by the Treaty of Versailles. As one of the victorious powers in the European War, France will inevitably respond with fierce resistance, thus France is not in a position to unite.
"Therefore, do you want to unite with the Soviet Union to the east?"
Stresemann was somewhat surprised; Strasser's thoughts coincided with his own. Both sides recognized that in the future, Europe would inevitably see the emergence of two major political and military blocs: supporters of the Versailles system and challengers of the Versailles system. The Soviet Union and Germany, due to their defeat in World War I, naturally found themselves on the side of the challengers.
"That's right, the alliance with the Soviet Union is a strong guarantee for Germany's next challenge to the Treaty of Versailles. Germany's last defeat was due to fighting on two fronts; this time we have united with the Russians. The British and France can only launch their attacks from the west, and we are already in an invincible position."
On this point, both Stresemann and Strasser had no objections. In their eyes, it was impossible for Germany to lose against a single enemy, even though Germany had occupied a lot of Allied territory until the surrender in the Great War.
What? You say there is still Poland between Germany and the Soviet Union? Is Poland a sovereign country?
"There is a problem. The Russians have a big appetite. Even though they have become the Bolshevik government, their greedy nature hasn't changed; they are still the same European steamroller as before. How do you plan to satisfy their demands? We, Germany, cannot offer much."
Stresemann expressed his concerns. In his view, it would be very difficult for Germany to win over the Soviet Union without paying a huge price.
"You don't need to worry about that at all, Mr. Stresemann," Strasser said with a smile, shaking his finger.
"Of course we cherish our own things, but we don't cherish other people's things at all."
"What do you mean?"
"We support the Soviet Union's annexation of the Baltic States, Finland, and Poland, and we can also assign them to the Soviet Union. We just need to keep our own oil fields."
Of course, just this alone is definitely not enough. Britain and France have a vast number of colonies overseas, covering Africa, Asia, and North America. We could easily allocate these colonies to the Soviet Union. Germany wouldn't have to give anything in return to gain a powerful ally.
Strasser intended to occupy the moral high ground, using the banner of liberating colonies, which sounds far more noble than merely seizing "living space." The new Germany in World War II would undoubtedly stand on the side of justice.
There is one point Strasser did not mention: if the Soviet Union accepted Germany's proposal and then vigorously competed with Britain for colonies, they would have to significantly develop their navy. This would reduce the defense pressure on Germany's eastern front. Even if relations were to sour in the future, Germany would not fear a weakened Soviet army.
"Once we take France, with the protection of the Red Army of the Soviet Union and the German Air Force, Germany could even cross the Dover Strait in a bathtub without any issues."
"That's an interesting idea,"
Stresemann nodded. Strasser's strategy of uniting with the Soviet Union against the Anglo-French was very much to his liking, and he decided to collaborate with this guy.
Indeed, today Strasser not only has a place in Congress but also has the support of General Siket, achieving a status on par with Stresemann.
"The strategies you mentioned are very constructive, and I believe they can be implemented in diplomacy. The only drawback is that Germany needs to become stronger; we need to address this shortcoming now."
"What can I do?" Strasser asked.
"Tomorrow morning at eight, there is a flight to Switzerland. You will come with me. From now on, you will temporarily take Briand's position as the Deputy Minister of Germany's diplomacy."
Thus, in the spring of 1926, Strasser happily acquired his third acting title. Now, in addition to being the Acting Commander of Germany's First Infantry Division and the Acting Staff Officer of the General Staff of the Army, he was also the Acting Deputy Minister of the German Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
"I should apply for three salaries from Germany; otherwise, this is just labor exploitation," Strasser thought with a hint of dark humor.
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