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Just as Strasser was marveling at Coy's formidable combat skills, more picketers surged out from the headquarters of the Communist Party of Germany, surrounding Strasser and his group. The leader at the forefront looked somewhat familiar; it seemed he had seen this guy's photo in the future, but he couldn't recall it at the moment.
"Let me introduce myself. I am Heinrich Laufenburg, the head of the Communist Party of Germany in the Pankow district of Berlin," the newcomer said, glancing at the scattered communists on the ground.
"Are you not going to properly explain why you are causing a disturbance at our headquarters?"
"Don't slander, you were the first to act." Goebbels retorted.
Strasser stopped the incessant chatter of Goebbels and stepped in front of Laufenburg, saying: "I believe this is a misunderstanding. Why don't you let us explain? Allow me to introduce myself, my name is Gregor Strasser, the head of the National Socialism party in Berlin. I think we can have a good discussion."
Upon hearing the name Laufenburg, he clearly thought of something. He glanced at the scattered Communist Party members on the ground and then looked at Coy beside Strasser. After hesitating for a moment, he agreed to Strasser's request.
"Follow me," he said.
Germany
Hanover Manor
Paul von Hindenburg had been living in seclusion at the manor for six years. Since the end of World War I, this army marshal, who expressed pessimism about Germany's future, had remained hidden in his own manor, wishing only to enjoy a peaceful life and refusing to meet anyone from Berlin.
Despite this, due to his prestige, visitors still come in an endless stream to the manor, and the guards at the manor gate receive countless guests every day. Of course, except for weekends, because weekends are Old Marshal's rest time, disturbing his peace not only fails to achieve the purpose but may even incur severe retaliation from the army. Once, a short-sighted politician ran to the manor gate for a week in a row to seek support from Hindenburg. For the first five days, Hindenburg reluctantly met with him, but when Saturday arrived, the politician was taken away by a truck from the army, and no one ever saw him again.
Today is Saturday, so the security guard at manor is particularly idle. The guard, Andrei Rudel, leisurely whistled. For someone who enjoys being lazy, this kind of job with nothing to do is perfect for slacking off. However, the tranquility was shattered by the roar of a car, as a police car drove down the countryside road. Four people got out of the car - two were prison guards escorting, and the other two were the Minister of Justice, Gutnach, and Hitler.
Hitler got out of the car and looked around the manor, couldn't help but admire the grandeur of the place. As a former art student, Hitler loved big things the most, the bigger the better in his eyes.
Gutnach walked up to Rudel at the entrance of the manor and said, "Please inform Field Marshal Hindenburg that we would like to see him immediately," then discreetly slipped a gold bar into Rudel's hand.
Rudel took a bite and naturally put it in his pocket when he realized it was real.
"I can inform him for you, but Field Marshal Hindenburg doesn't like to see people on weekends. You should come back in a few days," Rudel kindly reminded.
"It's okay, just tell Field Marshal Hindenburg that Gutnach wants to see him."
Rudel left, Gutnach noticed that Hitler was looking at him strangely, and asked in confusion, "Is there a problem, Adolf?"
"Why would Hindenburg want to see you? As far as I know, Hindenburg never meets with anyone on weekends. I tried to visit Old Marshal in Hannover before and couldn't even get through the door."
"Because I am the illegitimate child of Field Marshal Hindenburg..." Gutnach said with a sly smile, looking at the mentally blank Hitler, then added, "I am his best friend, and I have a deep relationship with Field Marshal Hindenburg. Before coming to Bavaria, I had been meeting with Field Marshal Hindenburg. If it weren't for the recent change in the gatekeeper, I could have gone in directly."
Soon after, Rudel returned and opened the gate, watching Hitler and his entourage enter before lying down in the guardhouse and falling into a deep sleep.
"We met last time, when was it? Gutnach, I didn't expect you to change so much in a few years, becoming more mature," teased Hindenburg.
"People always mature over time, Mr. Hindenburg. I have always remembered your care for me, so I rushed back to see you," Gutnach respectfully replied. He knew that the old man in front of him, although very old, had astonishing energy.
"I'm afraid it's not just to see me," Hindenburg looked meaningfully at Hitler behind Gutnach, "Who is this?"
"Adolf Hitler, the Führer of the Nazi Party, it's a pleasure to meet you, Marshal." Hitler saluted.
"I know you," Hindenburg said slowly. "I hear about your actions in Munich even here in Hannover. I must say, Private, while your behavior is open to discussion, your courage is commendable."
"As long as it is for the rise of Germany, my courage knows no bounds," Hitler immediately took on a tough-guy persona. However, Hindenburg interrupted his forthcoming ramblings.
"I know why you've come, and I won't agree, so please go back."
"Mr. Hindenburg..."
Gutnach wanted to say something else, but Hindenburg didn't give him the chance. He waved for the butler to come over.
"See the guest out."
On the way back to the prison, Gutnach appeared somewhat dejected.
"It seems that Field Marshal Hindenburg has refused us."
"No, we still have a chance, or rather, even if we don't have a chance, we must create one," said Hitler squinting his eyes.
"You still need to set aside time each week to visit Hindenburg, but don't discuss any political topics with him. Just catch up on old times, and when the time is right, success will come naturally."
Gutnach was somewhat puzzled but agreed nonetheless.
Strasser was energetically expressing his views in the hall of the Communist Party headquarters.
"The failure of the Soviet-Polish War in 1921 tells us that launching a proletariat revolution globally today is unrealistic. The forces that can be mobilized by ethnic groups and countries are stronger than those of the proletariat. More people believe in the narratives of their ethnic groups and countries rather than class narratives. This is not solely due to bourgeois deception, but is determined by the current political and economic situation in the world."
Immediately, a communist jumped out to refute, "I believe that with support from Moscow, the flames of revolution can ignite anywhere in the world. The victory of the bourgeoisie is only temporary; they will ultimately fail."
"I certainly believe their victory is temporary," Strasser shrugged. "In Germany, that temporary period might be ten years or even shorter, but in other countries, like the United Kingdom or the United States, they are fully capable of shifting class contradictions onto other countries. The temporary victory of the bourgeoisie there could last one or two hundred years. We can't just skip over this time; how many people must die for world revolution between the Soviet Union and Germany?"
Laufenburg waved his hand to signal the other communists to quiet down and personally approached Strasser to ask, "So, Mr. Gregor, what are your insights on how to resolve this issue?"
"Yes," Strasser's words brightened Laufenburg's eyes, "but also no."
"What do you mean?" Laufenburg asked, somewhat puzzled.
"Ziel," Strasser explained, "I have no prejudice against your goals as members of the Communist Party of Germany, but you have forgotten the most important point."
Any ideology must serve the interests of the German people. Whether it's world revolution or building a single country, these are just means to the ultimate goal of the happiness of the German people. The people of other countries should be left to liberate themselves. If they cannot achieve self-liberation, a country established by others is just a puppet. "So what you mean is that our direction is wrong. If we are willing to change the Communist Party's goal to liberating the German people, there is a solution. If we rely on Germany to launch a world revolution, it's a dead end," Laufenburg replied.
"You are advocating Social Darwinism! We should liberate all of humanity! For this, any cost that Germany has to pay is acceptable; that is a bright future. For this future, we must fight forever."
The Communist who was just knocked out by Coy angrily accused Strasser of such thoughts, but it wasn't necessarily out of personal resentment. He genuinely supported world revolution; those who espouse Internationalism can be so lovable yet naive, innocent yet foolish. The other Communists behind him also began to join in the attack and accusations.
Strasser himself was unafraid. He knew very well that his ideas were considered heretical by these members of the German Communist Party who were heavily influenced by Moscow. He was simply willing to speak to those who were willing to listen seriously, like the founder of the Minbu thought standing before him.
Strasser and his group left the headquarters of the German Communist Party, accompanied by Laufenburg.
"When you've made up your mind, come find me. The door of the National Socialist Party is always open for you," Strasser said.
"Goodbye, Mr. Gregor," Laufenburg replied without responding further, simply waving to say farewell.
Walking down Bilu Street, Goebbels couldn't suppress his inner doubts and asked Strasser why he wanted to recruit this unremarkable member of the German Communist Party.
"Moscow," Strasser replied succinctly. He valued not only Laufenburg's identity as the founder of the People's Front ideology but also aimed to connect with Moscow through the German Communists.
After all, in his envisioned world war, the Soviet Union would be an indispensable part and play a significant role.
Of course, Strasser does not want to be a pawn of Moscow. He believes that the relationship between Germany and the Soviet Union should be equal, which is why he holds a reserved attitude towards the Communist Party of Germany. Relying on others makes it difficult to maintain independence, even if you have your own ideas.
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