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Without a doubt, the Juncker nobility holds strong influence in Germany, especially in the eastern land of Prussia. Despite suffering defeats in World War I and facing challenges from the bourgeoisie, they still maintain significant appeal, even after a new political party in Berlin conducted a purge of the Royalist.
They are like the blood in the human body; unless one completely replaces the blood, as the Soviet Union did after World War II, it is impossible to cleanse it thoroughly, much like a persistent parasite.
Even in a small town less than a hundred kilometers from Strasser's Berlin headquarters, the Junker nobility from all over the country has gathered.
At this moment, these feudal relics are assembling to prepare for a meeting, accompanied by several representatives of the bourgeois faction.
"Ladies and gentlemen," a middle-aged man raised his glass, he was none other than Oscar Hindenburg, the son of Field Marshal Hindenburg. "I'm sure you all know about the recent events in Berlin, a group of thugs attacked the presidential palace, arresting the current president and his government officials, and also detained many of our congressmen."
"Needless to say, in the factions represented here, more or less a considerable number of individuals have been thrown into prison by that brigadier."
Speaking of that man, Oscar looked displeased.
Juncker nobility has a deep military history, or one could say that the rise of Juncker nobility is a history of war.
Therefore, the Juncker nobility places great importance on military ranks, and when addressing each other, they typically include the rank to emphasize their unique status. For instance, later generations often referred to Hitler derisively as "that private" among the Juncker nobility. However, due to Seeckt's favor, despite their dissatisfaction with Strasser, they could only refer to him as "that general," which was undoubtedly a painful situation for them.
"President Hindenburg is still under house arrest in Berlin. What do you think of these rioters?" Oscar asked.
"In my opinion, we should directly mobilize the forces in our National Defense Forces to surround Berlin. I want to see if that brigadier will hand over the people or not."
A man named Feng August Juncker nobility huffed and said, and his words were recognized by quite a few people.
"Yes, we should directly gather the troops to rescue Field Marshal Hindenburg."
"It should have been done long ago!"
August's words were like a spark igniting an entire powder keg, and the manor was immediately filled with various voices. The Juncker nobility were very dissatisfied with Strasser's attacks on the Royalists; they believed that as the masters of Germany, their authority was being challenged by a group of lower-class individuals and must be severely suppressed. Oscar waved his hand to signal for silence among those present and said with some helplessness,
"I certainly understand everyone's feelings. After all, it's unbearable that our leader is being detained in Berlin. In fact, I am more anxious than all of you here. Field Marshal Hindenburg is not only my superior, but also my father. However, the use of force is impossible."
"Strasser now has at least five divisions of troops at his disposal, and this guy has already fortified key positions around Berlin, stationing troops for defense. It is impossible to take them down quickly."
"It's all that bastard Seeckt's fault. He actually chose to help those Reds; giving up the National Defense Forces so easily is not something a general should do," August expressed his dissatisfaction.
Without the strong support of Seeckt, it would have been impossible for Strasser to master the General Staff of the Army in such a short time, and he would not have had the authority to command so many troops. It would not have been easy to deal with him.
"If you put it that way, I think the biggest culprit is Ludendorff, isn't it?" a Junker noble named Bach scoffed. He was an old acquaintance of General Siket.
"If it weren't for Ludendorff introducing that brigadier to General Siket, how could things have escalated to this point? Moreover, as far as I know, Ludendorff was quite dissatisfied with Field Marshal Hindenburg's position, and you have a close relationship with Ludendorff."
At this point, Bach seemed to have an epiphany. He clapped his hands vigorously and said,
"Could it be that you were the one who ordered the house arrest of Field Marshal Hindenburg?"
"Shut up, you scoundrel! How dare you slander me like this?"
Augustus's face turned red with anger.
"I'm not slandering, I'm just stating the facts."
Bach responded sharply.
Seeing an argument about to break out, Oscar quickly stepped in to defuse the situation.
"All right, everyone, let's stop blaming each other. I believe in everyone's loyalty to the collective. Now our primary task is to discuss how to rescue Field Marshal Hindenburg. Any ideas?" Since the marshal's son has personally given us a way out, the two men no longer argue, but instead bow their heads and seriously consider the possibility of rescuing the president."
"Or, we could just secretly send someone to rescue Field Marshal Hindenburg," August suggested.
"If this method works, then I wouldn't need to discuss this issue with you," was the response.
Oscar rubbed his forehead. Sometimes he really felt that these soldiers were competent in battle, but when it came to political struggles, they acted like fools. Ludendorff was like this, and so was August.
"After the coup in Berlin, we sent people to try to infiltrate the city, but unfortunately, Berlin had already been taken over by the First Infantry Division. Not even a fly could get in."
And now, within the city of Berlin, there are only two groups of red terror composed political parties. One is the Communist Party, and the other is the ethnic group Labour Party. The other parties have either been expelled or absorbed. "Why don't we make the fact that Field Marshal Hindenburg is under house arrest public to the whole nation? With Field Marshal Hindenburg's prestige, no one dares to openly detain him.
"As long as we make this matter public, the people will definitely demand Strasser release Field Marshal Hindenburg."
Bach proposed a seemingly feasible plan.
Oscar thought it over carefully but still shook his head.
"As long as President Hindenburg is alive, public opinion cannot sway Strasser's decisions. He can easily coerce Hindenburg into sending a telegram stating that he is staying in Berlin voluntarily or due to health reasons. Moreover, even if his father refuses to cooperate, there are plenty of supporters of Strasser in Berlin. If they are pushed too hard, it might lead to a civil war."
"What can we do then? Nothing seems to work."
August was somewhat annoyed; he was still skilled at military strategy, but political matters gave him a headache. "Perhaps we should seek help from the Anglo-French to assist us in suppressing the domestic red uprising." At that moment, a man named Buckhouse from the Social Democratic Party spoke up. He was also a prominent businessman within Germany, and the rise of the Labour Party filled him with fear, so he did not hesitate to attend today's meeting on how to deal with Strasser.
"Looking for England and France? I bet you Jewish people have some ulterior motives. England and French people won't send troops to help us, they will only provide support from the outside."
August mocked, he didn't like the Jewish people in front of him at all.
In fact, a considerable part of the Juncker nobility is not very fond of these wealthy Jewish people.
In their view, these heathens are attempting to seize power in country after the end of World War I, vying for the power vacuum left by the abdication of the emperor.
If it weren't for the threat of the socialist movement, these heathen Jewish people would have no right to enter here at all.
"Mr. Bakhous is right. It's difficult for us to suppress the riots on our own, so it's acceptable to reach out to Anglo-French for help."
Just as August was about to make another sarcastic remark, Oscar interrupted him, believing that this was not the time for arguments and that they should unite all possible forces.
"However, before that, we still need to send someone to Berlin to talk to that Brigadier. It would be better if we could resolve this peacefully."
It turned out that Strasser was worried about a civil war breaking out in Germany, but the Juncker bourgeoisie were even more afraid of civil war; they would not risk all their remaining wealth just to reclaim a portion of it.
After all, the workers don't have many chips in their hands, while Juncker nobility are all wealthy, there is no need to fight to the death with these lower-class people in their eyes.
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